Experiences and perspectives of African American, Latina/o, Asian American, and European American psychology graduate students: A national study.

In 1997, the American Psychological Association’s Commission on Ethnic Minority Recruitment, Retention, and Training issued a call for psychology to increase the representation and numbers of ethnic minority students at every level of psychology’s educational pipeline (CEMRATT, 1997). Since that time, grave concerns remain in terms of ethnic minority student representation, particularly at the higher levels of the educational pipeline (e.g., Maton, Kohout, Wicherski, Leary, & Vinokurov, 2006). Of note, as ethnic minorities and multiracial persons continue to constitute an ever-increasing percentage of our citizenry, all sectors of our society will increasingly be affected. Many professionals, including psychologists (involved in practice or research), will be called to address the changing needs of our increasingly diverse population (American Psychological Association, 2003). To better understand the paucity of growth in psychology doctoral training among students of color in recent years (Maton et al., 2006), the current study focused on African-American, Latina/o and Asian-American students of color, and the similarities and differences between their experiences and perspectives and those of European-American students of psychology. Prior Theory and Research Empirical research focused on undergraduate students has supported the importance of multiple variable domains that influence student achievement and retention. These include student background, student learning and cognitive development; quality of the student effort; institutional environment; interactions with faculty and peers; and structural characteristics of the institution. A summary of this literature suggests three conclusions (Wimms, 2008). First, negative experiences and circumstances that hinder student progress include feelings of stress; a lack of academic preparation; lack of family and peer-support for college-going behaviors; experiences of alienation, discrimination, and prejudice on campus; pressures involved in biculturation; difficulty making connections with mentors and academic peers; and institutional policies which fail to promote an inclusive atmosphere (cf. Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991, 2005). Second, issues of race and ethnicity are folded into these experiences of challenge and encouragement in terms of recruitment, perceptions of merit, feelings of belonging and validation, perceptions of campus diversity, campus racial and cultural climate, and recommendations for institutional missions and practices that embrace or invalidate the varied backgrounds and experiences of students (e.g., Hurtado, Dey, Gurin, & Gurin., 2003; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005). Third, for ethnic minority students, campus racial climate, diversity, and belonging/validation regarding their cultural backgrounds were also identified as core experiences related to satisfaction, integration, and retention (Rodriguez, Guido-DiBrito, Torres, & Talbot, 2000). Some theorists have suggested that the mechanisms at play for graduate students are different than those for undergraduates. Tinto (1993) proposed a developmental framework of doctoral persistence as an appendix to his general theory of college experience. He conceptualized student retention at the doctoral level as being a function of departmental norms and mores as well as those of the field of study. Programmatic and professional socialization were viewed as helping students transition from initiation into graduate school, through graduate school requirements, and on to induction into their professional fields upon graduation. Academic and social integration were theorized to be closely aligned with academic experiences for graduate students for whom the social and academic links between peers and faculty overlap (Tinto, 1993). The empirical literature regarding the experiences and perspectives of graduate students in general, and graduate students in psychology in particular, including students of color, is scant. The research that has been done highlights a number of challenges faced by graduate students in general, including stress, debt and funding issues, low salaries when funding is available, and the long time commitment involved in obtaining a degree (Golde & Dore, 2001; Lovitts, 2001). The challenges for psychology graduate students that appear in the extant literature include the financial burden associated with graduate school, concerns about changes in the field related to managed care, extensive licensure requirements, competition for training sites, the perceived absence of supports, and difficulty balancing educational and personal life responsibilities (Braxton et al., 2004; Morton & Worthley, 1995; Pope-Davis, Stone, & Nielson 1997). Underrepresented minority graduate students have been reported to face the same challenges as European-American students, along with additional ones associated with their ethnic backgrounds. The latter include negative perceptions of their academic merit, stereotyping, alienation and isolation, cultural bias, and prejudice (Gonzalez, Marin, Figuerosa, Moreno, & Navia, 2002; Johnson-Bailey, 2004; Lewis, Ginsberg, Davies, & Smith, 2004; Vazquez et al., 2006; Williams, 2000; Williams et al., 2005). However, studies to date have not explored differences across ethnic groups on the relative importance of these various challenges, nor linked them to satisfaction with graduate education among a national sample of psychology students. Regarding supports, a number of studies have suggested that mentoring is an important educational and interpersonal support for graduate students, including psychology students, and a few have linked mentoring with satisfaction (e.g., Clark, Harden, & Johnson, 2000; Hollingsworth & Fassinger, 2002; Johnson, Koch, Fallow, & Huwe, 2000; Tenenbaum, Crosby, & Gliner, 2001). Mentoring in psychology education represents a source of support for students in a number of important ways, including training and supervision, guidance with independent research projects, assistance in making the transition to professional careers, and emotional support (Clark et al., 2000; Tenenbaum et al., 2001). Beyond mentoring, additional supports noted in the literature include social contact with peers, financial assistance, academic preparation, and academic integration into departments and professional integration into the field (Lewis et al., 2004; Lovitts, 2001; Williams et al., 2005). The latter include efforts made to encourage students to take part in research, present their work, co-author articles, and interact with faculty members both on and off campus. Also important for minority students are various initiatives to increase cultural diversity and the numbers of students and faculty of color in graduate programs, a desire to gain knowledge and use that knowledge to “give back” to the community, development of supportive peer groups, and improvements in campus cultural climate (Cherwitz; 2005; Gandara, 1995; Walker, Wright & Hanley, 2001; Williams et al., 2005). Additional studies are needed to identify specific academic and non-academic supports for graduate students, their relative importance to the graduate student experience, and their relationship to satisfaction. Beyond mentoring, the literature has not explored the relationship between academic and non-academic supports and student satisfaction across ethnic racial groups utilizing a national sample. Nor have previous investigations utilized a national study to explore the meaning and value of supports in doctoral psychology and their relationship to student satisfaction. Based on existing theory and research, the current study examined the following hypotheses: Ethnic minority students in comparison to European-American students will report: a) higher levels of academic barriers, b) higher levels of linkage between barriers faced and their ethnicity, c) lower levels of cultural diversity in the academic environment, d) higher levels of linkage between career aspirations and ethnicity, and e) higher levels of psychology having something special to offer their ethnic group Ethnic minority students in comparison to European-American students will report lower levels of fairness in how they are represented in psychology. Independent of ethnicity, graduate students’ satisfaction with their studies in psychology will be associated with: a) higher levels of mentoring; b) higher levels of academic support; c) higher levels of non-academic support; d) lower levels of academic barriers; e) lower levels of non-academic barriers; f) higher levels of encouragement related to research; g) higher levels of encouragement to interact with faculty; and h) confidence in obtaining a desired job upon graduation. Also, ethnic group differences in satisfaction will be examined. Perceptions of cultural diversity in the academic environment will be more strongly related to satisfaction for ethnic minority than for European-American students. Exploratory analyses will examine whether ethnic minority and European-American students differ on career aspirations.